Religious Rejections of Globalization

Religious Rejections of Globalization entryThe conflict between Western and Muslim worlds has drawn the attention of versatile scholars such as Samuel Huntington and Fukuyama whom predicted future war would be premised on pagan differences. Since the 1990s, countless scholars aim analyzed Islam and its connection to religious fundamentalism in nightclub to understand why fundamentalists are so sourcely opposed to scotch modernization and social change. More surprisingly however, is the fact that Western academe and policy-making leaders prevail largely ignored assertive Christian responses against globalisation, especially those coming from Christian fundamentalists whose numbers and political submit continues to leaven around the world. The re-emergence of religious fundamentalism as a political force has been propelled by the perceived bane of globalisation which promotes the spread of Westernization, neo complimentaryism and unconsecratedism (Juergensmeyer 140). In t he eyes of many a(prenominal) religious movements, globalisation challenges the presence of local religions by encouraging capitalistic beliefs that do not take into account lesson principles. Among these religious groups, Christianity is of situation importance because of its status, outreach and role in world-wide affairs. When we talk about Christianity, we mention to a set of religious values and beliefs that led to the installation of conglomerate denominations, presidencys and creeds. The following essay argues that the religious rejection of globalization within the Christian participation has been spearheaded by religious fundamentalist groups in order to prevent the creation of a secular world order because it hazards to reduce their influence, business office and legitimacy. Presently, Christianitys role and status in international affairs is being re desexd by two main(prenominal) groups Christian unspecifics and Christian evangelicals. This internal religio us controversy aims to democratically capture important decision-making positions within the hierarchy of western states to reassert Christianity presence on the commonplace sphere to ensure social and moral order. refuseant Christianity and civil confederations anti-globalization responseThe influential expanding upon of global society has redefined the role that religious groups play in the study of important international policies. As multiple sectors of global civil society draw come together to denounce the negative effects of globalization on the worthless and vulnerable, religious groups have joined their voice to cozy up the need to create a better world order (Lechner 115). It is important to note that global civil societys critical responses to globalization have largely evolved along secular lines (Lechner 116). At the same time, if we define civil society as all forms of voluntary association away the market and state, then religion constitutes the largest seg ment of civil society (Lechner 116). The papist Catholic Church alone accounts more(prenominal) members than all advocacy networks unite together which helps explain Christianitys influence and outreach on major international socio-economic issues (Lechner 116). The Roman Catholic Church has played an important role in condemning the neo- munificent model imposed by Western states because of its tendency to patronize the imposition of economic values over moral principles. During a dialect by Pope John Paul II, during his visit to Havana in 1998, the leader of the Catholic community openly expressed his concern on the negative effects that capitalism has on the vulnerable but in addition on the worldwide presence of Catholicism (Robertson 612). He claimed that the absolutizing of the economy was premature for three main reasons 1-markets were imperfect and were bound to leave people unsatisfied, 2-withouth congruous regulation, the community markets do not serve the common g ood which results in exclusion and marginalization and 3-left to their give devices, markets promote economic inequality (Lechner 124). In this sense, the religious Christian left and the western secular left have evoked similar arguments and appear to pursue the same socio-economic endings (Lechner 124). In the previous(a) 1990s, both the Catholic Church and Protestant Churches pressured affluent states for the forgiveness of poor nations overseas debt because it imposed heavy economic burdens on people whose compassionate dignity was constantly challenged by unequal and oppressive conditions (Lechner 117). On November 6, 2000, president Bill Clinton signed a foreign aid bill full funding debt relief for poor countries (Lechner 118). Liberal Christians around the world historied this victory that had rallied multiple sectors of global civil society behind a common goal. Truly, Jubilee 2000 demonstrated how the power of religious scripture could be utilize to re-shape the his tory of the secular world (Lechner 119). However, it is important to acknowledge Jubilees 2000 advantage was primarily caused by secular forces who lobbied tremendously well to achieve their goal (Lechner 120). In addition, the Catholic Church previous support for economic liberalism as a way to force the fall of communism contradicted its new preaching against globalization and neo-liberalism which advertise divide its community. These contradictions demonstrate that liberal Christianitys quiet approach is too resistless to efficiently oppose globalization and further highlights its dependence on secular forces to provide political solutions for the worlds most worrisome problems.The rise of religious fundamentalism in ChristianityLiberal Christianitys global decline has helped Christian evangelicals spread their political message in more assertive, faster and active manner in the Americas, Asia and Africa. At the moment, liberal Christianity represents a mere minority within their societies who no longer allot their assumptions and are experimenting drastic socio-economic changes as a result of globalization (Stahl 350). This political vacuum has been filled by both secular individuals and Christian evangelicals that have attracted considerable amount of support towards their opposite political goals. Religious movements whether liberal or conservative tend to perceive globalization as a competing form of religion association that contains a set of established ideas, beliefs, authorities, goals and followers (Stahl 341). For this reason, religious groups zealously oppose this expanding force. However, religious conservatives appear to be more successful than their liberal parts in using certain aspects globalization to reach people and transmit their political goals (Jesus Camp). Many Christian evangelicals in the United States cogitate that their government has been taken over by corporations and foreign agents that seek the elaboration of evil and bodge forces within their nation (Jesus Camp). This threat often takes form in secular institutions and policies that are often demonized publically by evangelical leaders who lobby their communities to vote for a fussy candidate who will accurately represent their usanceal values. The ongoing expansion of Christian fundamentals and their active political involvement in public affairs makes them a considerable force that can effectively influence the political spectrum of multiple nations. Despite this, few western scholars consider Christian fundamentalism a solid threat to the stability of their nations as they wrongly believe that the most dangerous face of fundamentalism is to be associated with Muslim faith.Religions of revolution and their radical answer to globalizationThe modern social stability of Western secular societies has been built on the free practice of religion in the clandestine sphere. This explains why, westerners are so fearful of the public imposition of a adept religious tradition that could violate the freedoms and rights of individuals. According to Stahl, religious complaints against globalization taper on two main themes the demand for justice and the defence of tradition (Stahl 339). Stahl uses these themes to draw a comparison between Osama put in Laden whose exemplifies Islam fundamentalism and Dwight Hopkins who embodies Liberal Christianity (Stahl 339). Osamas complaints are addressed in Letter to America (2002) and elude the New Rome (2004). He believes that Muslim fundamentalists are fighting a defensive war against the forces of imperialism and aggression which are responsible for the establishment of corrupt and dictatorial regimes throughout the Muslim world (Stahl 339). He claims this religio-economic war is a continuation of the Crusades and some other past contests between Muslims and Christians (Stahl 340). He criticizes the economic, environmental and cultural decline of the West and defends Islamic trad ition from what he believes to be an infective and corrupt culture (Stahl 340). He also denounces the theft of Muslim wealth and Americas refusal to ratify Kyoto. Despite this, most of his criticism is enjoin towards individual behavior, especially the treatment of women and sexualisation of culture (Stahl 340). Immorality is high on his list, economic exploitation is not. His call for Muslim community to violently resist the enemies of Islam appealed to many devoted people regardless of their socio-economic background (Stahl 341). On the other hand, Hopkins complaint based on liberal Christianity is one dimensional because it focuses on the economic aspect of globalization (Stahl 341). As Bin Laden, Hopkins advocates for justice and defense of tradition, although he clearly understands these concepts dissimilarly than his counterpart. On the demand for justice, he criticizes the fanciful accumulation of wealth and power into the hands of few individuals. He attributes this to be the cause of corrupt politics and the unrestricted destruction of the environment (Stahl 341). In defense of tradition, he claims that globalization is a competing form of religious organization that seeks to promote material realities and economic values over moral principles (Stahl 341). Bin Laden and Hopkins are quite different. Bin Laden was ready to fling off to achieve his version of Islam whereas Hopkins liberation theology called for spiritual resistance and struggle for freedom and justice (Stahl 342). Liberal Christian has slowly become a religion of resistance that has struggled to mobilize its followers against globalization. On the other hand, Islamic fundamentalism is religion of revolution that violently opposes globalization. The means advocated Islamist fundamentalism are not that different from Christian fundamentalists who have also adopted a confrontational guide tone to send out powerful political messages.ConclusionTo conclude, Christianitys position and rol e within the Western World is being redefined by two competing religious movements that aim to democratically capture political power within their state to reassert religions role on the public sphere. On the one side, Liberal Christianity appears to have a renew interest in opposing globalization and neoliberalism which has motivated many liberal Christians to join forces with the secular left. The success of Jubilee 2000 attests on what this cooperation can provide in terms of progressive and inclusive social policies. However, liberal Christianitys chasten critique of globalization has also been qualified as too passive by many of its members that are drawn by Christian conservatives more pro-active and direct message. As Christian evangelicals popularity and numbers continues to grow, they have become an influential political force that opposes secularism and modernization in their own nations. As the dominant forces within Christianity are slowly turn it a religion of revolut ion, they are adopting various fundamentalist values and premises which threaten to unbalance the social stability of these secular societies. Western societies tend to prospect Islam as the main motor of religious fundamentalism in the world. However, what they ignore is that the real threat to their societys stability comes from the radicalization of Christianity which supports a more confrontational approach to promote their religious values.